Grand strategy, as far as I can tell, is the use of various
tools (diplomatic, economic, militaristic) to best achieve a state’s national
interest and desired role in the word. Conventional interpretations of grand
strategy focus on land, sea, and air. Over the last few decades, the internet
has formed a web of networks and created a new terrain: cyberspace. This realm
is markedly different in that interactions are not purely physical, the terrain
is not dominated by states but by individuals, the territory is virtually
lawless, and it is often hard to ID the source/attacker.
How a nation generally interacts with others in this new
realm develops its reputation, from which we can attempt to interpret said
nation’s grand cyber strategy.
First, it is important to note that there has never been an
instance of cyber war, or even an attack that resulted in loss of life or
extensive damage to critical infrastructure. Though some alarmists talk of a
cyber Pearl Harbor or 9/11, most experts in the field do not view these as
realistic. Instead, most interactions are categorized as either espionage,
subversion, or sabotage. So grand cyber strategy, while still passive or
aggressive, defensive or offensive, etc. is far milder than conventional
militaristic grand strategy.
China’s grand cyber strategy is one of espionage. The
instances of Chinese theft in American cyberspace are many: Shady Rat, Ghost
Net, the Pentagon Raid, the Byzantine Series, and the F-35 jet plans. This is fairly predictable because China is a rising power
that will threaten the US’s hegemony (cue Thucidydes). For a country that does not invest in innovation but rather in manufacturing, theft from an existing power makes sense. Additionally, China has
something to prove. “Because cyber espionage is less risky and less costly than
attempting to match the conventional US military machine, China uses this
tactic to show the Americans that it is a force to be reckoned with in cyberspace”
(Cyberwar versus Cyber Realities, p133).
Interestingly, we engage positively with China after they
have launched a cyber attack against us, usually turning to diplomacy and
transparency. Why? – to avoid escalation and to set global cyber norms. After
all, it is partially the victim’s fault due to lack of successful defense. China is engaging in cyber espionage because America produces things worth stealing.
Russia’s grand cyber strategy, compared to China’s, is
marked by subversion. This is evident in Russia’s relentless DDoS attacks on
Georgia, Estonia, and Ukraine (neo-expansionism??), as well as recent disruption
in European and American elections (dissemination of disinformation,
propaganda).
Israel’s unique grand strategy is one of aggressive
containment- particularly in the context of nuclear weapons. Israel has
developed a reputation and international expectation that it will respond (using
a fusion of intelligence, cyber, and military tools) to regional powers that
develop a nuclear program. See Stuxnet, Operation Orchard.
The United States’ grand cyber strategy has been, to this point,
largely one of non-engagement and restraint. In most cyber interactions, our
tactics have been defensive rather than offensive. We have recently stressed the
importance of hardening our security for the intended effect of deterrence
through denial. There seems to be an understanding that cyberattacks fall
greatly below the range of military operations and are largely inconsequential to
relations between states. There is no incentive to escalate the situation, but
rather to harden one’s own defensive capabilities.
Rules of thumb (from Cyberwar versus Cyber Realities, Maness):
When cyber tactics are used: (1) they tend to only be used
by existing rivals or states involved in territorial disputes, (2) they are
used with relative restraint, (3) they tend not to elicit a strong reaction
anyways*, (4) it is possibly just a normalized ‘language’ for rival pairs to
non-violently express discontent/displeasure, and (5) so far have proved
ineffective in stopping the targets from continuing to pursue their goals [If
you look at Stuxnet, Bronze Soldier, and Shamood, all three had no effect on
targets’ goals : Estonia becomes even closer with Europe, Iran continued to
enrich uranium, and Saudi Arabia continued the Iranian oil embargo].
*Attacks that are public and harder to conceal are more
likely to provoke a foreign policy response (DDoS).
1 comment:
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